Today is the death day of Freud, so I decided to release a video on the Collective Unconscious as an homage to Jung.
While publicly being scientific by nature, Jung had a mystical private life that would serve as the groundwork of his theories. Carl Jung’s contributions to psychology served as a new religion for the Aryan people under the collective unconscious and its archetypes.
Some quotes from Dr. Carl Gustav Jung left on the video by a commentor:
“The differences which actually do exist between Germanic and Jewish psychology and which have long been known to every intelligent person are no longer being glossed over, and this can only be beneficial to science.”
“The Jew who is something of a nomad has never yet created a cultural form of his own and as far as we can see never will, since all his instincts and talents require a more or less civilized nation to act as host for their development…”
“The Jews have this peculiarity in common with women; being physically weaker, they have to aim at the chinks in the armor of their adversary, and thanks to this technique which has been forced on them through the centuries, the Jews themselves are best protected where others are most vulnerable. Because, again, of their civilization, more than twice as ancient as ours, they are vastly more conscious than we of human weaknesses, of the shadow-side of things, and hence in this respect much less vulnerable than we are.”
“The still youthful Germanic peoples are fully capable of creating new cultural forms that still lie dormant in the darkness of the unconscious of every individual — seeds bursting with energy and capable of mighty expansion. In my opinion it has been a grave error in medical psychology up till now to apply Jewish categories – which are not even binding on all Jews – indiscriminately to Germanic and Slavic Christendom. Because of this the most precious secret of the Germanic peoples – their creative and intuitive depth of soul – has been explained as a morass of banal infantilism, while my own warning has for decades been suspected of anti-semitism. This suspicion emanated from Freud. He did not understand the Germanic psyche any more than did his Germanic followers. Has the formidable phenomenon of National Socialism taught them better?”
Rough shows notes taken after interview commenced:
Paraphrased; not exact; best I can do to summarize the general message of things remembered that I said.
Said I go by Blut und Boden which = Blood and Soil, which to me is a race-based form of ancestral/homeland romanticism and nature mysticism; signifies biological thinking.
Said I was born on January 4th, 1988 [1/4/88].
Said I was a race nationalist and anti-semite and there to justify race consciousness and anti-semitism among White European peoples.
Mentioned how we don’t accept jew-Boasnian anthropology and name Franz Boaz, Ashley Montagu, Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Lewontin, Jared Diamond. We read books like Culture of Critique by Dr. Kevin MacDonald, former professor in Long Beach, California who show that these are jewish intellectual movements and these jews are ethnic activists and subversives [due to high ethnocentrism as a group evolutionary strategy].
Mentioned how that possible jewess congresswoman [Erin Schrode] in California followed one sentence up talking about helping refugees in their journey to Europe with a remark about her strong belief in the jewish state and people surviving and right to exist. The hypocrisy.
He asked about and I answered that the picture I where I tweeted that’s quite the crew you got there that it was because he was next to a Bernstein jewess and the other 2 out of 5 looked like jews making for what appeared to be possibly 4 jews and an Asian.
Mentioned how estimates place the number of jews in jew york city at 17.5+%.
Mentioned how the jewish question has been around not only for centuries in Europe, and that my own ideas go back long before the NSDAP existed and even the 20th century, and that the jewish problem transcends time and space, race, culture, religion, century, millenia, whatever.
That the jew gains power through rabid ethnocentricism and I forget what I said, it was semi complimentary I think, think I tied their form of intellect to them being neurotic or something, but it resulting with them gaining power and abusing it.
Mentioned how the jew Henry Kissinger admittedly said that if a people was kicked out 109 times they must be doing something wrong.
Quoted Dr. Carl Gustav Jung as saying that “it is a mistake to accept a jewish psychology as generally valid”* and mentioned how he said with the beginning of racial differences differences in the collective psyche of races.
*Jung: ”It is a quite unpardonable mistake to accept the conclusions of a Jewish psychology as generally valid.”
Referenced Dr. Martin Heidegger.
Mentioned Trump literally having a jewish legacy, i.e., the situation with his four adult kids married to or dating jews. The picture of him with Nelson Mandela. His video for Netanyahoo. All of his jewish business ties. What he said about Justice Scalia remarking that blacks should go to schools they are qualified for rather than getting affirmative action being not nice and not something he agrees with. Him allowing that “transgender man” (at least I called him a man, should have called him a tranny) to be in his pagent.
Quoted Ovadia Yosef after mentioning he was the former Chief Sephardic rabbi and had the largest funeral in israeli history and that estimates say 400,000-1,000.000 people poured into the streets to celebrate his death: Long version of what I read “Goyim were born only to serve us. Without that, they have no place in the world – only to serve the People of Israel.” “In Israel, death has no dominion over them… With gentiles, it will be like any person – they need to die, but [God] will give them longevity. Why? Imagine that one’s donkey would die, they’d lose their money. “This is his servant… That’s why he gets a long life, to work well for this Jew.” “Why are gentiles needed? They will work, they will plow, they will reap. We will sit like an effendi and eat… That is why gentiles were created.” [Here’s one source: http://www.timesofisrael.com/5-of-ovadia-yosefs-most-controversial-quotations/ …]
We talked about how the only difference between a philosemite and an anti-semite is how they view what they see as the truth. talked about Biden praising jews as uniquely influential in gay marriage, lgbtq stuff, feminism, civil rights, etc.
Articles about the echo phenomenon featuring my tweet:
(((Echoes))), Exposed: The Secret Symbol Neo-Nazis Use to Target Jews Online | (((Mic)))
((( How Twitter Is Teaming Up to Mess With the Nazis ))) | (((Tablet Mag)))
The Neo-Nazi (((Echoes))) Symbol Is Officially Hate Speech | (((Mic)))
See further: Who Controls America? | List Summaries | TheZOG.Info
…Jews have been scapegoated for thousands of years as minorities in whatever country they were in. Totalitarian leaders then took advantage of that scapegoating and used it as an excuse to expel or murder Jews. –WNYC and NJPR reporter, Matt (((Katz))), talking to @TonySandos in a recorded phone interview
This vague, tiringly familiar tale is what the entire establishment and jewish-dominated media would have you believe: jews are always the victims; the “chosen” truly are the original dindu nuffins. So, when given the opportunity to be interviewed “on air” by Matt (((Katz))) at the beginning of this month on June 3rd for (((WNYC))) – which, according to Wikipedia, boasts “more than one million listeners each week” and itself claims to be “America’s most listened-to public radio station” – naturally, I was eager to overcome any anxious, irrational hesitation and get my point of view across [This ended up entailing recording a roughly thirty minute podcast, of which one sole remark would air on public radio twenty-five days after being recorded.]. I asked permission and then invited my friend Fascist Lemming to partake in the phone call come time for the planned recorded discussion. The truth is, I was uncertain as to how hostile (((Katz))) would be, if there’d be hostile callers, if he would have back up, etc., and so I instinctually wanted my own.
Unfortunately, jews are not actually interested at all in making the truth as to what racialists and anti-semites believe public, rather they are quite simply and consciously interested in actively opposing such narratives. So, when I presumed that more than one statement of mine out of roughly half an hour of conversation would make it public, I was obviously wrong.
It was annoying enough when, in a (((WNYC))) interview with Hasan Minhaj of Comedy Central’s The Daily Show filling in as guest host, along with Jonathan (((Weisman))), (((New York Times’s))) deputy Washington editor, as fellow guest, (((Katz))) falsely asserted that I owned a Donald Trump “Make America Great Again” hat. I had made it perfectly clear that I was not a fan of Donald Trump’s person, elucidated my beliefs quite explicitly, and gave clear examples demonstrating why, based on certain jew-wise and race-related principles, I was no admirer of his whatsoever. As I would tell (((Katz))) in Twitter Direct Message a full eight days prior to his story being posted online:
Lastly, to make clear one last time, I am not a Donald Trump supporter, and I take for granted it ought to be self-evident that the things I do not like about him disqualify my person from “endorsing” or liking him on a personal level. I am still able to appreciate affects and phenomena and specific actions and character traits – while still maintaining my personal and ideological view towards him as a whole.
I am a race-nationalist and am antipathetic towards jewry. For someone like me, Donald Trump is a greedy opportunist and deracinated cosmopolitan elitist. His life record shows clearly that he blatantly does not care about race in any principled, moral, or spiritual sense.
This did not prevent him in the audio version of his report [Which is more or less the same as the text version, only with some omissions, additions, and variations.], however, from directly following up the statement from me about the picture of his colleagues by saying anti-jewish views present a paradox given Trump’s jewish ties, despite the fact that I am not even a supporter of Donald Trump.
One other thing about (((Katz))) worth pointing out was his passive aggressive form of communication. Rather than being straightforward when asked a question, he would give vague, sparsely worded, and insincere answers, even going so far as to inform Fascist Lemming that, despite being in the radio industry, no guest of his had ever requested a copy of the full interview before and that he had never heard of such a request. $6,000,000 says the jew is lying.
Not surprising; after all, why would a news outlet chock full of jews allow anti-semitic truth to be spread to the public? They would not, which is why allowing jews to have the undue, grossly inordinate influence that they do over our media is something White folk ought to seek freedom from. As I told Mr. (((Katz))) on Twitter after we recorded our phone call, I’d forgotten a few items of importance, chief among them the fact that at present 3/8 United States Supreme Court InJustices are jews, along with the caveat that it may soon be 4/9. The other bit of information I kindly made him aware of:
Naturally, this had no impact, as demonstrated by the following tweet from today after his story posted:
One thing I did not forget to mention during the interview – among other things, I promoted Dr. Kevin MacDonald‘s Culture of Critique and the work of holohoax revisionist Eric Hunt – was the documented fact that (((rabbi Ovadia Yosef))), the man who had the largest funeral in israeli history, stated the following:
At the bottom of this article are some rough show notes* I took down after the interview, some of which Fascist Lemming addresses in the following video:
These anti-semitic facts being made public are of no benefit to jewry and can only harm them and their victim narrative. Their hypocrisy is amusing, though, as (((WNYC))) itself recently added a new comedy podcast by a black female comedian who is “an ocean of white dude comedians” titled, “Sooo Many White Guys“. That kind of social and ethnic critique is just fine in the current socio-cultural, economic, and political paradigm, whereas critiquing real, demonstrable jewish privilege is likely to get one fired, abandoned by friends and family, or even possibly physically assaulted.
Regarding this article’s opening quotation from Mr. (((Katz))), we all know it is complete and utter bs. Anti-semitism is about “scapegoating”? Give it a rest, lying jews.
Explain to us, the goyim, why it is that anti-semitism follows the jewish people wherever they go, across time (millenia) and space, among difference races, ethnicities, cultures, religions, etc., e.g. in Egypt, Greece, and Rome.
Any people that has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong. –Henry (((Kissinger)))
I would tend to agree.
The following is an excerpt taken from chapter IV of Patrick Donmoyer’s book, “Hex Signs: Myth and Meaning in Pennsylvania Dutch Barn Stars”, titled, “Celestial Symbolism in Folk Culture”:
Aside from the sacred context of these motifs, one particular instance of a profane (albeit mild) reference to the six-pointed rosette can be found within Pennsylvania Dutch dialect profanity, where long strings of words are stacked to indicate the severity of the situation, usually consisting of permutations of the phrase Dunnerwedder! – literally “Thunder Weather.” This latter phrase is considered by some to be the survival of an ancient invocation of the heathen god of thunder, Thor, named “Dunner” in old German, from which its disapproval in current times is allegedly derived. Several of such permutations were documented by the Rev. Leonard Shupp, a dialect folklorist who recalled a series of elaborate cuss-words used in Lehigh County. Among the most interesting dialect combinations he cited were: “Himmel Haagel Schtaern Dunnerwetter,” “Heilich Schtaern Dunnerwetter,” and “Kreuz Haagel Schtaern Dunnerwetter nochemol!” These can be translated from Pennsylvaanisch dialect respectively as, “Heavenly Hail Star Thunder Weather,” “Heavenly* Star Thunder Weather,” and “Hail Cross Star Thunder Weather once again!” While significance of these terms may be completely unintelligible to a modern audience, and even to many Pennsylvania Dutchmen, the idea of the “Heavenly-Hail-Star,” the “Holy Star,” or the “Hail-Cross-Star,” is a highly probable reference to the ancient name given to the six-pointed rosette: Hagal, meaning “hailstone” in old German. This emblem was part of the Runic alphabet of the ancient Germanic people and had a sacred connotation connected with fate and the passage of time, however the motif continued to be used long after its initial meaning was forgotten. This pre-Christian origin could be why the phrase was later used as profanity. Yet, some aspects of this early symbolism did survive, as “the first three hail-stones of the year,” according to the 20th century dialect folklore collection of the Rev. Thomas Brendle, held a sacred connotation and had the power to heal, as “a protection not only against fevers but against all sickness throughout the year.” These parallels are useful in studying the origins of art and belief, however they need not be overstated as many of these ideas have been forgotten for hundreds of years.
Buy the book: For the most comprehensive, convincing, and up-to-date research on Pennsylvania Dutch barn stars, see Patrick Donmoyer’s Hex Signs: Myth and Meaning in Pennsylvania Dutch Barn Stars** (foreword by Dr. Don Yoder).
It is interesting to note that in his foreword, Dr. Yoder makes mention of the fact that a number of Pan-Germanic scholars from Germany – one of whom would later go on to become a member of the NSDAP – journeyed to the local region prior to the development of the Third Reich in order to study the culture, dialect, and folkways of this particular group of racial Germans who had been living outside of the Reich for quite some time.
*Post editor’s note: I believe this repeating of the term “Heavenly” as a translation for separate terms, “Himmel” and “Heilich”, to be a simple error by the author. Given the following sentence, it is probable that “Heilich Schtaern Dunnerwetter” should rather translate as “Holy Star Weather”.
Relevant to the history of Germanic symbolism at large, here is a video on folk symbolism among the Dutch proper (as opposed to the Pennsylvania-Dutch, more accurately known as the Pennsylvania-Germans):
This short 1941 Dutch documentary, “Eeuwig Leevende Tekens” (Immortal Symbols), by Hamer (Hammer) Film from the “Volksche Werkgemeenschap” (Folkish Study Group), touches on the six-star, solar cross, sun swirl, swastika, Odal rune, Tree of Life, and more.
**This link is to the book’s publisher, Masthof, and is available for $30. It can be purchased for the same price from the Pennsylvania German Cultural Heritage Center at Kutztown University or from Amazon for $40.
Hyperlinks and images added by post editor. Cultural Marxist commentary crossed out for accuracy.
The Scholars’ War
Just what are the hex signs supposed to mean, if they have any meaning at all? This question lifts the lid on an acrimonious and ongoing controversy in the world of Pennsylvania Dutch scholarship. At the heart of this controversy lies the the fragmented character of Pennsylvania Dutch culture itself. It has become a culture divided into radically opposing camps.
While the outside world has been aware of hex signs through fiction and magazine illustrations since the turn of the century, the year 1924 marks the beginning of the scholarly hex-sign controversy. Illustrations of hex-sign barns appeared in the October 1924 Journal of the American Institute of Architects in an article by C.H. Whitaker, who described them as “ornaments with sun bursts in yellow or with other curious designs, some said to be symbolic and also said not to be.” Whitaker was quoted as saying, “Some day I may be persuaded to find out just what these curious decorations mean.” We regret to report that he never continued his search.
It was Wallace Nutting’s Pennsylvania Beautiful, which also appeared in 1924, that lit the fires of controversy:
The ornaments on barns found in Pennsylvania, and to some small extent in West Jersey, go by the local name of hexafoos, or witch foot. . . . They are supposed to be a continuance of very ancient tradition, according to which these decorative marks were potent to protect the barn, or more particularly the cattle, from the influence of witches. . . . The hexafoos was added to its decoration as a kind of spiritual or demoniac lightning-rod.
Nutting claimed to have gotten this interpretation from a single informant—a dangerous practice in fieldwork—who convinced him that the emigrants had brought the practice from their European homelands.
Nutting’s statement and his term Hexafoos were widely copied in other treatments of the Pennsylvania Dutch and have been the major contributor to the tourist literature focusing on the supposed apotropaic or evil-deflecting purpose of the barn decorations.
The leading scholarly apologist for the magical and apotropaic interpretation of the hex signs was Dr. August C. Mahr (1886-1970), a professor at Ohio State University, himself of German birth. In several articles that appeared both in Germany and in the United States in the 1950s, one of which achieved canonization of sorts by its inclusion in a major introductory text in American folklore, Professor Mahr held the line that the signs not only had meaning, but they were indeed “hex signs,” looked upon by their painters and possessors as having magical protective powers. His work was comparative, citing examples of the use of these motifs from various parts of Europe. He drew some interesting conclusions. Faced with the fact that in Europe the signs are not usually found on building facades except in places like Canton Bern, Switzerland, he developed the theory that the Swiss emigrant among the Pennsylvania Dutch, in shifting from his usual wooden house facade to a stone structure in Pennsylvania, transferred the geometrical signs that in Switzerland appeared on the front of his house to his wooden barn facade.
It was Mahr’s opinion that the Pennsylvania Dutch preserved and used the hex signs here because their forefathers had used them in Europe. They were part of the traditional community culture of the Rhineland villages, and the Pennsylvania Dutch continued to use them here because they preserved more of the European traditional sense of community than did their ethnic neighbors. He concluded that the average Pennsylvania Dutchman wanted hex signs on his barn because it was part of his “group psychology” to need them. To the outsider, he will probably deny that they are hex signs, while he continues to secretly believe in their efficacy—an attribution of double standardism to the Dutch for which the professor has often been criticized. Yet Mahr’s thesis is a thoughtful one, and right or wrong, he stirred up a great deal of attention.
The direction opposite of the apotropaic theory is the theory that the hex signs have no hidden or occult meanings at all, but are plain, ordinary decorations. The principal spokesman for the decorative theory was Dr. Alfred L. Shoemaker (b. 1913), who aired his ideas in his popular pamphlets, Hex, No! (1953) and Three Myths about the Pennsylvania Dutch Country (1951), as well as in his scholarly volume The Pennsylvania Barn (1955). From his wide research in both Europe and America, Shoemaker came to the conclusion that the hex signs were “pure and simple decorative motifs.” As such, they had no underlying program—that is, they were not used for magical purposes.
Like all other ethnic groups in America, the Pennsylvania Dutch did believe in the powers of witchcraft. They brought from Europe traditional strategies for dealing with witches and for protecting their property against evil forces. In his reasoning against the theory that hex signs were actually put on barns to ward off witches, Professor Shoemaker pointed out that the hex-sign belt is really a limited area, with Lehigh, Berks, Bucks and Montgomery Counties at its heart.
If there were any basis to the witch angle, wouldn’t it be awfully peculiar that half of the Pennsylvania Dutch Country only believes in warding off hexes and the other half doesn’t? Moreover, isn’t it plain, common sense that magic, wherever it is practiced (and no one would deny its existence in the Pennsylvania Dutch Country—isn’t it plain common sense, I say, that a farmer would NOT parade his mysterious doings before all the gawking world to see. No, witchcraft and all that hangs together with it, is a very, very secret matter, all of it surviving underground, well hidden from view to all but the initiated. Anyone with the slightest insight into human nature must sense how utterly preposterous is the whole hex sign story.
John Joseph Stoudt (1911-1981), the pioneer folk-art scholar of the Pennsylvania Dutch Country, defended the theory that the hex signs had meaning. His highly symbolist interpretations of Pennsylvania Dutch folk art appeared in a long series of books from Consider the Lilies, How They Grow (1937) to Sunbonnets and Shoofly Pie (1973). To Stoudt, the inner meaning of the signs had nothing to do with witchcraft. They issued instead from the mystical theology of Europe. Like many Dutchmen, Stoudt took offense at the alleged connection with witchcraft.
On all sides one hears the sordid story that the markings on Pennsylvania Dutch barns are the signs put there to keep the witches away. Without mincing words, this is slander on the Pennsylvania Dutch perpetrated by outsiders who, riding through the lovely countryside of Eastern Pennsylvania, are hard put to explain why such lovely farms, such well kept fields, should be marked by what they consider to be talismanic signs.
For Stoudt, it was a New England Yankee who was to blame:
Wallace Nutting in his dilettante’s book Pennsylvania Beautiful, was the first one to say that these designs were placed on the barns to scare witches away. The present writer has interviewed 165 people over 70 years of age living on farms where barns are decorated, and not one was willing to admit that these barn-designs were placed there to scare witches away. One old Lehigh County potato grower said that the nonsense about witches originated with city newspaper writers who were careless about the truth. Another old lady was waiting for the woman writer from Philadelphia to give her a piece of her mind! One man said that he had heard his father call them Dullebawne—tulips! An old lady said they were Blumensterne—flower-stars!
Stoudt felt that if the designs were really “hex” marks, then why should they appear on Bible covers, tombstones, and other “potent” religious artifacts that certainly needed no protection against witches? He found in the signs not a pagan meaning, but rather a Christian one. Though his symbolist theory has been attacked as forced—certainly not every hex sign can possibly represent his “divine lily” of the “Age of the Holy Spirit”—Stoudt was not entirely alone in his thinking.
All these hex-based and symbolist theories do not take into account that one cannot attribute to the Pennsylvania Dutchman of the present day exactly the same attitudes toward symbols that his fur-clad forefathers took in Europe, either during the Middle Ages or in pre-Christian times. Symbols may continue in use in a culture for aesthetic reasons, even after their original spiritual meanings have been lost, and yet retain aesthetic content.
By the 1940s, the scholars’ war over the hex signs had reached a draw. Regardless of meaning, the signs were accepted by the Pennsylvania Dutch themselves as symbolic of Dutchness, a potential not overlooked by Pennsylvania’s tourist industry. Dr. Arthur D. Graeff (1899-1969), by birth a Berks County Dutchman, wrote in his weekly column for the Reading Times of May 13, 1946:
The barnscapes are part of the popular heritage of the people of Southeastern Pennsylvania. You will not find their equal or their likeness in any other part of the world, not even in Europe. Nowhere will one find the geometric figures, the stars, teardrops and sunwheels which our forebears used so artistically to break the monotony of color which would otherwise appear on an 80-foot expanse of painted boards. They are as much our own as windmills belong to Holland, castles to Spain and thatched roofing to Ireland. Let’s keep them for sentiment’s sake.
Second, let’s keep them for their practical value too. Our painted barns become a financial asset to our entire community. How? As an inducement to the tourist trade. People travel thousands of miles to see the survivals of French peasantry in the Gaspé Peninsula to the north of us; they dream about visiting the missions in California and write epics on the grandeur of the plantation manors of our colonial Southland. Let our local Chambers of Commerce have something unique to tell the world about when inviting visitors to Berks and Lehigh! It will mean cash from distant places, not merely cash resulting from trading dollars with each other.
Graeff’s encouragement was echoed by many others worried about the presentation of the Pennsylvania Dutch culture, but little did he realize the radical mushrooming of the hex myth that would result from tourism after the second World War. One thing is certain: The new mythology was evidently here to stay.
A heated controversy also arose in Germany over geometric symbols and their supposed meanings. The positions developed on this question by scholars
and pseudoscholars in Germany before and during the Nazi period may have had more to do with the arguments in the United States over the meaning of hex signs than most of us would like to admit.
The background of the German scholars’ war is a long one. The tendency to romanticize the primitive and pagan Germanic past had begun long before Hitler. There was first of all the European Romantic movement, with its discovery of the “folk” and “folklore.” In the first half of the nineteenth century, the work of the Brothers Grimm, particularly Jacob Grimm’s four-volume Deutsche Mythologie (“German Mythology”), provided scholarly underpinnings for interest in the Germanic past and its supposed influences on the present through folk custom and belief. Later came the full-fledged German political nationalism with its racist spinoff, the Pan-German Movement, which in the early twentieth century—before Hitler—concerned itself with “German
” settlements and influences outside the “Fatherland.” And in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Germanophiles turned their attention to discovering the hidden meanings of the German folk-art designs that appeared on everyday objects ranging from houses to textiles. They found that these geometric designs—dignified with the “correct” German designation of Sinnbilder (“mind pictures”), rather than the classical word symbols (non-German in origin)—were actually living carryovers from the ancient Germanic past. They were, furthermore, religious symbols, and since most of them were circular in form or enclosed in circles, they were declared to be sun symbols, as well as good-luck tokens, salvation signs, and apotropaic warnings to keep harm away.
A whole school of
overenthusiastic symbol researchers developed, who carried the Germanic symbolism to ridiculous lengths. They combed rural and urban Germany for geometric symbols to which they applied their questionable theories. This, along with runology, the study of the ancient Germanic language of runes, they treated as secret knowledge that needed to be deciphered by their own inner circle. In their study, they completely ignored the fact that those who made and those who used the designs had no such understanding of their meanings.
In the 1920s, after World War I, the German people faced economic distress and disillusionment, and there was an upswing in German nationalist organizations. These organizations cultivated and used the Germanic symbols and
in a sense enabled some individuals to flee to the Germanic past to escape the present. Unfortunately, the messages of these nationalist and rightist groups were mixed with antislavism and antisemitism.
The National Socialist movement took these developments a significant step further. It politicized symbol research, elevating the swastika to its logo, and furthered the German continuity idea in Himmler’s Deutsches Ahnenerbe (“German Ancestral Heritage”) movement. The principal Nazi theorist of symbols was Karl Theodor Weigel, whose many books
, now discredited, played up the theme of “Germanic continuity.” His extensive photographic archive of symbolism , however, is a useful tool for the study of folk-art symbols and is now housed at the University of Göttingen.
One of the leading folk-art scholars in Germany, Dr. Bernward Deneke, longtime director of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nürnberg, addresses the subject in his book Europäische Volkskunst (“European Folk Art”), a volume in the Propyläen Kunstgeschichte Series reprinted in 1985. For a long time, he says, it was customary to ascribe special meanings to folk-art ornaments, which were turned into symbols by some scholars who drew their efficacy from a supposed continuity of faith and practice that once existed in the far-distant, pre-Christian past. The designs included multirayed stars, rosettes, and whirling rosettes—all based on the circle. These were called “sun symbols” and were brought into connection with a prehistoric cult of the sun. Hence, these forms of decoration based on the circle, found on buildings, furniture, and small objects, were regarded as “witnesses of a supposed arcane knowledge that had come down from ancient times.”
“The fact is, however,” Deneke continues, “that such explanations . . . , so far as can be seen, were nowhere recorded as oral traditions by the producers and users of the objects themselves.” Rather, it appears evident that these “elements of decoration satisfy formal requirements, that they grew out of a play instinct related to form, and proved themselves useful for furnishing proofs of dexterity and skill.” Here and elsewhere in his writings he makes the useful suggestion that such geometric designs enclosed in circles were marks associated with the building trades, applied to objects by carpenters, stone masons, and cabinetmakers.
Since 1945, the end of the Nazi era, German scholars, particularly those who deal with folk culture, have in several important conferences debated the influences of the Nazi regime and its ideology upon German scholarship. The most recent of these conferences was held at Karlsruhe in Baden-Württemberg, September 25-29, 1995, and was devoted to symbols and symbol research. In the conference volume edited by Rolf Wilhelm Brednich and Heinz Schmitt, Symbole: Zur Bedeutung der Zeichen in der Kultur (Münster, 1997), the symbol controversy is thoroughly discussed, particularly in a paper by Brednich, entitled “Germanische Sinnbilder und ihre vermeintliche Kontinuität: Eine Bilanz” (“Germanic Symbols and Their Supposed Continuity: A Balance”). The story is not over, however, since Brednich reports that Germanic runology and symbology are still alive and well, as evidenced by books and pamphlets for sale in rightist bookstores in Berlin, Paris, and elsewhere.
Unfortunately, the Germanic theories propounded by Europeans on the meaning of the symbols produced fallout in the United States. Certain Pennsylvania Dutch scholars, among them Edwin M. Fogel (1874-1949) of the University of Pennsylvania and his student Preston A. Barba (1883-1971) of Muhlenberg College, both founders of the Pennsylvania German Folklore Society in 1936—a new, hostile opposition group to the older Pennsylvania German Society founded in 1891—showed in some of their writings that they were aware of the German theories. That they actually favored some of the explanations is clear from the dialect address Professor Barba delivered at the Berks County Fersammling (an annual meeting held completely in Pennsylvania Dutch dialect) at Reading on April 2, 1948. His address, entitled Unser Scheiere (“Our Barns”), begins by saying that outsiders visiting Pennsylvania sometimes call the barn signs Hexefiess—”witches’ feet.” The present Pennsylvania Dutch generation, however, doesn’t have an explanation for them. An old Weisenberg farmer Barba talked to outside the farmer’s beautifully decorated barn said they were yuscht fer schee, “just for nice.” But Barba ascribed meanings to them beyond decoration. Significant parts of his argument can be translated as follows:
Yes, our forefathers brought them along across the ocean. Here in the New World the signs were like links in a long chain that bound them to the past. These signs are found not only in the Palatinate. They are especially found in north Germany. Up there in the dark, cold Northland, for those early men, the sun was a divine thing. What would mankind be without the sun? Without the sun there would be no life on this earth! Behind the sun there was that almighty power that has creating everything, the Lord God—incomprehensible to us human beings. And for those early men in the Northland, the sun was indeed the best proof of that divine power. The sun rises in the morning and sets in the evening. The sun also makes its yearly circuit. In the winter it makes just a little bow [arch] in the heavens, it descends lower and lower, and up there in the Northland it disappears completely—then come again those holy nights in December, and the sun climbs higher in the heavens; it begins its new circuit. A new year begins—with new hope in the heart of mankind. It is spring again; the sun turns higher and higher—everything becomes alive—summer arrives—the grain and the fruit are ripe. The harvest is past—we move toward fall—and here comes another winter. The sun makes a circle—its annual course is a circle.
He goes on to draw the parallel of life as a circle as well. The individual moves from birth to death, with children and grandchildren continuing the circle. And then he comes to the hex signs.
How proud must that first man have been, when for the first time . . . he drew a circle, like a wheel, and further divided that wheel until he had discovered the six-pointed star. And how could he have better portrayed the sun and its yearly circuit than with a wheel with four spokes—for spring, summer, fall, and winter. And how better could he have shown how the sun turns through the year than with a whirling swastika in a circle. [Here he uses the
unfortunateterm Hokegreiz, a twentieth-century Pennsylvania Dutch coinage for the Hakenkreuz, or swastika.]
He continues more and more in a sermonic vein. “Yes, sun signs in those early times were highly esteemed. With their silent language, mankind slowly made its long, long way to the Eternal Light.” He admits that what was accounted “religion” to early man often later became “superstition.” He concludes as follows:
Today we have little understanding of such things, and yet we should hold the old signs in honor because our forefathers honored them and viewed them with respect as holy signs. No, they were not yuscht fer schee [“just for nice”]. These signs were necessary to them, growing out of their hearts. And it would not hurt if we too would today view those old signs for what they were once in earlier times—signs of that mighty power that slumbers in winter, awakens in the springtime, and brings new life to nature, ripens the grain and the fruit in summer—and then goes to sleep again in the winter, in an everlasting circle or ring which is again the most beautiful evidence in nature of our Lord God. And whoever does view them in this way must agree that the painted stars on our barns are pure prayers. But HEX-FEET? No!—No!—Phooey on that idea! That we can let other and more stupid people believe.
The solid contribution of scholars like Edwin Fogel and Preston Barba to Pennsylvania Dutch linguistics and cultural history far outshine their yielding to symbolist interpretations of hex signs. At least their infection with the continuity ideas was mild. They were certainly free of the racialist bias that stained the work of European symbolists, and they did not insist on the radical sun-symbolism of European scholarship.
Barba’s “sermon” on hex signs does
, however, reveal, in its curious emphasis on the “Northland,” a derivation from the European Germanic continuity writers who found “pure” Germanic traits among the “Nordic” cultures of Scandinavia. After all, they did give us the Yule tradition, which Barba refers to as “those holy nights in December.”
The Hex Sign as Ethnic Symbolism
Another theory proposed by scholars to explain the meaning of Pennsylvania Dutch hex signs treats the subject from the development of ethnic identity. This is the most recent of all the theories about the hex sign, yet as more and more scholars sift through the historical evidence, it seems increasingly plausible. The Pennsylvania Dutch, like all ethnic groups positioning themselves in relation to their American neighbors, developed symbols to denote their ethnic identity. Badges of ethnic identity are useful to outsiders because they enable quick recognition of what is or is not Pennsylvania Dutch. Equally, these same symbols minister to the Dutch themselves, giving them recognizable projections of their own inner spirit—that is, a key to who they are as a people.
Like every other aspect of ethnicity, such ethnic symbols are often complex in meaning. Ethnic identity involves both personal identity—one’s sense of kinship to one’s group—and group identity. On the side of personal identity, the farmer who handsomely decorated his barn with hex signs does so because he is proud of his farm and well-kept buildings. The farmer’s individual pride and sense of worth shade over into his sense of group belonging. For him, the hex signs become the symbols of his Pennsylvania Dutchness—of his ethnic group and his sense of belonging to it.
Viewed historically, the hex-sign phenomenon may indeed be connected with the sharpening of Pennsylvania Dutch ethnic consciousness in reaction to nineteenth-century cultural tensions. The Civil War was especially difficult for the Pennsylvania Dutch. The plain sects were confronted with the dilemma of pacifism, and nonpacifist Pennsylvania Dutch often found themselves fighting opposite people of German ancestry, especially in the Valley of Virginia. The midcentury also witnessed attempts by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to rid the Pennsylvania Dutch of their distinctive culture, using the state school system to mount a systematic stamping out of the German language.
The diverse groups making up the Pennsylvania Dutch community reacted to these stresses in their own ways. The plain sects codified plainer forms of contemporary fashion into a sectarian uniform. This plain code is still with us today. About the same time, the church groups began painting hex signs on their barns and incorporated Pennsylvania Dutch motifs in the Victorian architectural gingerbread on their houses. Both Pennsylvania Dutch groups thus made public statements about their cultural affiliations. As attention has changed in this century from national groups to ethnic groups, the Pennsylvania Dutch decorative motifs have, in the fullest sense, become “ethnicity markers.”
The symbols of the Pennsylvania Dutchman’s sense of belonging, as with other ethnic groups, include a range of artifacts, customs, and expressions. In the early twentieth century, in addition to the farmers with their painted barns, a school of literary spokesmen arose for the culture in the form of Pennsylvania novelists. Foremost among these were Helen Reimensnyder Martin, Elsie Singmaster, Georg Schoch, and Nelson Lloyd—all Pennsylvanians of dyed-in-the-wool Pennsylvania Dutch stock. In wrestling with the question of how to portray Pennsylvania Dutchness in fictional form, these local writers—whose efforts coincided with the general flowering of regional fiction—put together a kit of ready-made ethnic symbols, which included the hex sign.
In their attempt to give local color to their settings, novelists of the Pennsylvania Dutch Country sprinkled their stories with props from the culture: witches and powwowers, stern fathers, austere plain sectarians, a whole gallery of shrewd Dutch farmers, and their even shrewder wives. In expressing their “Dutchness,” characters often used Dutch-English dialect. Their creators even put together what has since become the culinary canon of accepted Pennsylvania Dutch folk foods, and—what concerns us most directly—they described the decorations on the Dutchman’s barn for readers across the nation.
One of the earliest examples of this trend toward ethnic identification with barn decorations appeared in “Among the Dunkers,” by Nelson Lloyd, published in Scribner’s Magazine for November 1901. After describing the differences between the various plain sects, Lloyd concentrates on describing a Dunker love feast that he claimed to have attended in a barn in the Lebanon Valley. The barn was “one of those great white structures with green shutters, that so distinctly mark our Pennsylvania landscape.” Hex signs are not mentioned specifically, but the article illustration showing the barn where the meetings are held sports a high, supported forebay with a row of six beautifully drawn hex signs.
Like much of the later tourist literature about the Dutch, Nelson Lloyd’s article contained some indisputable historical facts, along with a great many misconceptions. The Dunkers, like the Mennonites and Amish, do not today normally allow hex signs on their barns. Did any of them slip past the strictures of their bishops in 1900? We cannot answer that right now. But we note Lloyd’s fictional account of the Amish “blue gate”—the earliest known reference to it in literature. He related that “not all in the valley are going to Dunker preaching.” Some are going to the “Mennonite bush-meeting,” or the River Brethren services,
or to the white farm-house with the gates of blue. Within those blue gates the Amish are to worship, and, if their ancient custom had its inception in truth, one could not choose a better place, for it has been hallowed by the visit of many a passing angel, who, marking the heavenly hue of the entrance, has stepped aside to bless the home there.
According to current tourist literature, the Amish paint their gates blue when a daughter comes of marriageable age.
Georg Schoch’s “The Christmas Child,” in Harper’s Monthly Magazine” for April 1906, also brings in barn decorations. In it, a farmer’s wife ventures into the barn at midnight on Christmas Eve to hear the animals talk, with unexpected results. The novelist describes a great “Swiss barn” (as the Pennsylvania Dutch barn was called into the 1950s) with “its red front, painted with moons and stars.” It “looked patriarchal; it had its own pastoral and dignified associations.”
Elsie Singmaster’s classic short story, “Big Thursday,” perhaps one of her best, deals with the Great Allentown Fair and its place in the hearts of the Pennsylvania Dutch. It appeared in the January 1906 issue of Century Magazine. The illustration by Leon Guipon shows a Pennsylvania landscape featuring a barn decorated with three huge hex signs—a barn typical, in fact, of those found near Allentown.
What these literary offerings accomplish with their illustrations is a mood of “Dutchness.” By its very presence, subtle or express, the hex sign is meant to convey a certain psychological impact.
Subtle, but ever present, this theme of ethnicity and symbol was carried forward in the 1920s by one of Pennsylvania’s most influential regional authors. Indeed, the tourist mecca that Southeastern Pennsylvania has become today is due in part to the nostalgic and pleasant discovery of “things Pennsylvania Dutch” by Cornelius Weygandt (1871-1957). His books The Red Hills (1929), The Blue Hills (1936), and The Dutch Country (1939) have become minor classics of American regional literature. Weygandt was himself a Pennsylvania Dutchman who spent a long career as professor of English literature at the University of Pennsylvania. An avid collector of country antiques, he roamed the Dutch counties summer and winter absorbing local flavor and writing charming essays about his discoveries.
It was Professor Weygandt and his books, more than any single source, that developed the Wallace Nutting view of hex signs. In one of the essays in The Red Hills, Weygandt described his own feelings about being caught in a Pennsylvania barn during a violent thunderstorm:
Were there not symbols on the barn? They would keep the lightning away. The barn had stood there a hundred years on the open hilltop, with no lightning rods and no high trees nearer than the pines before the house a hundred yards away. Six-lobed the symbols were, in weathered lead that was still strikingly white against the ironstone red of the wooden front. Six-lobed they were, within their circle of four-foot diameter, the six petals of the conventionalized tulip that is the sign manual of all good things in our folk culture. They were on the south side of the barn, and only four of them, not the miraculous seven that keep away all harm. Yet they had kept away the lightning for a hundred years, and they were, no doubt, still potent, as sure in their efficacy as anything in life may be.
Expert that he was in Pennsylvania Dutch folk art, Weygandt even discovered, long before John Joseph Stoudt, the connection between the tulips on fraktur and the six-lobed design in use as a barn symbol.
Barn symbols are prevalent in many parts of “Dutch” Pennsylvania. They come down close to Philadelphia, but they grow less plenty as you cross the Susquehanna, until in Franklin County, where are so many “Dutch” things else of fine quality, they are far to seek. The symbols are supposed to keep lightning from striking the barn that has them painted on its wooden sides, and to prevent the animals housed in the barn from being bewitched, or ferhexed as we say in the vernacular.
Weygandt was of the opinion (again before Stoudt) that some of the barn designs had their origin in Rosicrucian symbolism, while others were related to the Wheel of Fortune, the Four-leaf Clover, and the Pomegranate.
The final word in the scholars’ war over the meaning of hex signs has obviously not been uttered. Because theories are continuing to develop, to push out in new directions, attracting new meanings in the process, hex signs are worthy of further study.
Source: Don Yoder & Thomas E. Graves’ Hex Signs: Pennsylvania Dutch Barn Symbols & Their Meaning (Revised & Expanded 2nd Edition)
For the most comprehensive, convincing, and up-to-date research on Pennsylvania Dutch barn stars, see Patrick Donmoyer’s Hex Signs: Myth and Meaning in Pennsylvania Dutch Barn Stars* (foreword by Dr. Don Yoder).
*This link is to the book’s publisher, Masthof, and is available for $30. It can be purchased for the same price from the Pennsylvania German Cultural Heritage Center (Kutztown University) or from Amazon for $40.
The following excerpts originate from Dr. Alfred Rosenberg’s Memoirs
“I have explained in many speeches that the veneration of Germanic blood does not imply contempt for other races but, on the contrary, racial respect. Since races, as the core of nations, are created by nature, the very respect for nature itself demands respect for such creations.
The purpose of the large-scale development of peoples is the juridical recognition of racially conditioned families of people in their own homelands. Style, customs, language, are the manifestation of different souls and peoples; and just as these cannot be mixed without a resultant deterioration of their purity, so men, as their embodiment, and to whom they belong organically and spiritually, cannot intermingle.
These concepts met with world-wide opposition on the part of those who, perhaps originally influenced by the generous humanitarianism of the 18th century, simply did not have the courage to face the new discoveries, or feared that any corrective measure might affect their economic status. The great questions concerning the fate of the both century [sic] could not be discussed calmly and deliberately because one problem barred the view — that of Jewry.”
“The Jewish question is as old as Jewry itself, and anti-Semitism has always been the answer whenever Jews have appeared on the scene, from Tacitus to Goethe, Schopenhauer, Wagner, and Dostoyevsky.
In the Germany of 1911, they had all rights, and sat in important positions. Anti-Semitism began with war profiteering; it grew with growing usury; and it became widespread after the revolt of November 9, 1918. Their being different was admitted by all Jews. Soldiers were greeted upon their return by the Jewish professor Gumbel with the declaration that their comrades had fallen on the field of dishonour. In a theatre financed by a Jewish millionaire, the Stahlhelm [Steel helmet, a nationalistic organisation] was trampled underfoot, while a poem with the refrain: Dreck, weg damit! [Filth, away with it!] was recited.”
“The war against Jewry came about because an alien people on German soil arrogated the political and spiritual leadership of the country, and, believing itself triumphant, flaunted it brazenly.”
“It would have been sentimental to have expected quick recognition abroad of the National Socialist revolution and its social aims. On the contrary, we were prepared for bitter criticism, but all this whipped-up enmity was anything but natural. Primarily, it was directed against something that serious historians had exhaustively studied for decades — racial questions and racial history.”
“Few deny that different races do exist. But this in itself means that something constant exists, something characteristic which indicates that a certain individual belongs to a certain race; otherwise it would be altogether impossible to speak of racial unity or of races as such. This, in turn, presupposes the existence of certain laws of inheritance, regardless of how these laws may be formulated in detail.”
“Basically, the recognition of the existence of a race — meaning a type of man who has inherited and preserved certain definite characteristics — is no more than the recognition of a law of nature, a law not made by man […] . Today the acknowledged existence of this law is […] completely independent of the fact that it is rejected by some circles […] . The final recognition of lawful occurrences in nature, however, is in itself awe-inspiring.
In some of my speeches I have put it like this: The recognition of race as a fact demands not racial contempt but racial respect. Unfortunately, the close proximity of two races at a time when the basic truth of that law had just been accepted, made for comparisons and disputes. And it was because of this that certain sections of the people rejected not only comparisons but also the truth itself.”
“Races have basic traits and possibilities; peoples, on the other hand, are realities resulting from political fate, language, and nature. This means that nowhere in our historical life is a race identical with a people. The act of becoming a people is a long, rather mysterious process in which inner attitude, outward pressure and spiritual desire gradually begin to form the picture of a unified culture. That, too, is a law of nature, and as such worthy of our respect. Few have expressed this as beautifully as Herder; but it was Lagarde who coined this immortal phrase: Peoples are the thoughts of God.
It was fated, no doubt, that peoples should always be welded together by competition and battle. There is no exception to that rule in this world. In the midst of battle each one of these peoples became conscious of itself, and was confronted with that basic question of fate, the metaphysics of religion.
It is not particularly surprising that, as far as the peoples of Europe are concerned, many individual or collective intermediary stages can be established. Since European peoples are related to each other, they have often been assimilated […] . Nevertheless it is the desire of all nations to preserve whatever they have made their own — their mode of life, the forms of their art and their conception of fate — to preserve these by means of conscious training, education, and living example.”
“…this is decisive, the history of the peoples known to us must be looked upon as the great experiment of life itself, and to interpret that requires not only the services of philologists but of men who have an eye for the symptomatic, that is, for the totality of the outward and inward shapes of art, religion and life itself. These were approximately the points of departure from which The Myth of the Twentieth Century was written, although I had not planned it so.”