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Thoughts on Racialist ‘Paganism’

The past of human existence as a whole is not a nothing, but that to which we always return when we have put down deep roots. But this return is not a passive acceptance of what has been, but its transmutation.

–Dr. Martin Heidegger

The old Nordic Myth forms a powerful substructure on which to build a new Myth. It developed significant and proper supreme values. It laid emphasis on honor and freedom and the inner worth of man. […]

One cannot merely imitate the old, but he can use what is good and eternal.

–Prof. James B. Whisker’s explication of part of Dr. Alfred Rosenberg’s belief system. [The Life and Death of Alfred Rosenberg]

Racialist Pagans rightly essentialize the racial being of their forebears in the context of the metaphysical-psycho-spiritual character of what was their inner religious life – not them as having been dogmatic believers of a religion-in-time. Racialist self-styled “Pagans” justly have Blood inheritance rights to claim Paganism as their racial heritage; no forebears = no Paganism. The spiritual existence of our European Pagan forebears was naturally intrinsically tied to their racial being as biological organisms.

In the search for a new spiritual link with the past, there are those among the present day movement for renewal in Germany who wish to go back to the Edda and the cycle of Germanic ideas related to it. It is thanks to them that, alongside that which is purely fabulous, the inner richness of our sagas and folkish tales has again become visible from under the rubble and ashes left by the fires of the stake. But, in pursuing this longing to find inner substance with past generations and their religious allegories, the German faith overlooks that Wotan (Wodan, Odin) is dead as a religious form. He did not die at the hands of Bonifacius, but of himself. He completed the decline of the gods during a mythological epoch, a time of serene nature. His fall was already foreseen in the Nordic poems, although hopes were expressed for the coming of the strong one from above, in presentiment of the unavoidable twilight of the gods. In place of this, however, to the misfortune of Europe, the Syrian Jehovah appeared in the shape of his representative: the Etruscan Roman pope. Odin was and is dead; but the German mystic discovered the strong one from above in his own soul. The Valhalla of the gods descended from misty infinity into the breasts of men. The discovery and preaching of the indestructible freedom of soul was an act of salvation which has protected us up to the present against all attempts at strangulation.

–Dr. Alfred Rosenberg, The Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930)

Racialist Pagans don’t justify their spiritual aesthetics by claiming dogmatic knowledge of dead faiths, but by knowledge of race’s importance. The nature & character of our pre-christian beliefs & spiritual experiences were necessarily molded by our then- collective biological state of being; this is what makes them of value and significance – and worthy of study and admiration. We can seek to learn about aspects of our collective psyche.

[For an investigation of Wotan’s character] we must go back to the age of myths, which did not explain everything in terms of man and his limited capacities, but sought the deeper cause in the psyche and its autonomous powers. Man’s earliest intuitions personified these powers as gods and described them in the myths with great care and circumstantiality according to their various characters. This could be done the more readily on account of the firmly established primordial types or images which are innate in the unconscious of many races and exercise a direct influence upon them. Because the behavior of a race takes on its specific character from its underlying images, we can speak of an archetype “Wotan*.” As an autonomous psychic factor, Wotan produces effects in the collective life of a people and thereby reveals his own nature. For Wotan has a peculiar biology of his own, quite apart from the nature of man. It is only from time to time that individuals fall under the irresistible influence of this unconscious factor. When it is quiescent, one is no more aware of the archetype Wotan than of a latent epilepsy.

–Dr. Carl Gustav Jung, Wotan (1936)

“The mythology of a people is far more than a collection of pretty or terrifying fables to be retold in carefully bowdlerized form to our schoolchildren. It is the comment of the men of one particular age or civilization on the mysteries of human existence and the human mind, their model for social behaviour, and their attempt to define in stories of gods and demons their perception of inner qualities.”

[M]yths of the past [were] man’s attempt to embody his intuitive ideas about the human mind and its environment, to express truths dimly perceived which have roots in his innermost being. Thus the myths may lead us to discover more about our spiritual heritage, and perhaps to realize some of the defects in the spiritual development of the modern world. The study of mythology need no longer be looked on as an escape from reality into the fantasies of primitive peoples, but as a search for the deeper understanding of the human mind. In reaching out to explore the distant hills where the gods dwell and the deeps where the monsters are lurking, we are perhaps discovering the way home.”

–H.R. Ellis Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe (1964)

I sometimes identify as Pagan not because I dogmatically subscribe to the worldview(s) of my forebears, but because spiritually I most identify with, and find inspiration in, the romanticized thought of folkish tribes of racially-White Europeans living in a semi-unbridled state of Nature [both internally (mental) and externally (environmental)] and creating their own values.

“In place of the old testament pimps and cattle dealer stories, the Nordic sagas and legends will appear, at first simply told, and later represented through symbols. It is not the dream of hatred and murderous messiahism, but the dream of honor and freedom which must be kindled through Nordic, Germanic sagas… […] The longing to give the Nordic race soul its form as German church under the sign of the folkish Myth, that is for me the greatest task of our century.”

“The ancient Teutonic idea of god is […] inconceivable without spiritual freedom. […] The strength of spiritual search […] shows itself in the world wanderer, Odin.”

“Dissatisfied, eternally searching, the god wandered through the universe to try to fathom his destiny and the nature of his being. He sacrificed an eye so that he might participate in the deepest wisdom. As an eternal wanderer he is a symbol of the eternally searching and becoming Nordic soul which cannot withdraw self-confidently back to Jehovah and his representatives. The headstrong activity of the will, which, at first, drives so roughly through the Nordic lands in the battle songs about Thor, showed directly at their first appearance the innate, striving, wisdom seeking, metaphysical side in Odin the Wanderer.”

“One form of Odin is dead, that is, the Odin who was the highest of the many gods who appeared as the embodiment of a generation still given up to natural symbolisms. But Odin as the eternal mirrored image of the primal spiritual powers of Nordic man lives today just as he did over 5,000 years ago.”

“[A]s long as Nordic blood mixes with a Nordic soul and will, Nordic man will be active and work in mystic union.”

“As long as a people lives, its gods are immortal.”

–Dr. Alfred Rosenberg, The Myth of the Twentieth Century

*Recommended reading:

Wotan by Dr. Carl Jung
Woden as Archetype – The Carl Jung Essay by Dr. Kerry Bolton; Woden: Thoughts and Perspectives, Vol. 4, edited by Troy Southgate (Black Front Press, 2011)

Emanations of Wotan

The Spirit of White Consciousness WWII to the Present

By [author redacted] (2014)

Much has been written about Carl Jung’s 1936 essay titled “Wotan,” where Jung provides an esoteric traditionalist criticism of contemporary events during this precarious era of European history, focusing specifically on the rising atavistic Teutonic ethos embodied by the Nazis and the German people. However, the following paragraphs will not focus on the coming renaissance of Odinism, nor will it focus on erroneous rationalizations for RAHOWA, or any other spurious exegeses the essay has inspired.

Surely, as Wotan/Odin personifies the warrior god amongst many of his emanations, Wotan also epitomizes the mystic priest as well, as the All-father is unbound to simplistic distillations. The emanations of Wotan, as suggested by Jung in his essay, change, evolve, and adapt to the time at hand. In this manner, the ethos and Zeitgeist of modern White consciousness in all the major European theaters of the world (North America, Europe, Australia, etc…) no longer exhibits the ethos and characteristics of Wotan the war god; instead, the contemporary White, Occidental world reflects Wotan the master of words, language, and mysticism, as our world moves away from mass violence and mass warfare as the most effective and efficient means of communication both literal and symbolic.

The most important, and often quoted, metaphor extracted from Jung’s essay concerns Jung’s metaphor of the river bed. Through this image, Jung asserts that the gods of our ancestors, as archetypal mechanisms of the psyche, have existed as long as we have existed as a race. The subconscious archetypal gods of the Teutonic peoples are the innate creations of our earliest ancestors. The trough of their riverbed, or the subconscious erosion made by these archetypes over such a great period of time, extends the deepest and remains most readily to be filled when the flood of mystic waters flows over this subconscious topography once more. This explains how these ancient gods continue with us. Even if the river bed is dry for a time and the gods seemingly dead, the riverbed remains waiting to be filled by the spirit of these same gods. More often than not, the gods never die; rather, their aspects and nomenclature change and shift.

Jung’s riverbed metaphor explains the power that this Teutonic ethos wielded during the Nazi era. Even though the pagan period had all but lied dormant for a thousand years, this atavistic Zeitgeist re-emerged in the mid-20th century, irrevocably altering the landscape of the time and the people who survived the period. Viewing the Nazi period objectively, without moralism, their return to ancient ideologies, symbols, perspectives, and philosophies at least lends empirical credence to the idea of racial memory, how there is a narrative unfurling in every racial culture and spirituality, and how these aspects endure and adapt overtime.

Considering the occultic phrase “As above, so below,” in other words “the macrocosm will reflect the microcosm and vice-versa,” archetypal gods such as Wotan and the Aesir macrocosmically reflect the microcosm of the Teutonic soul. In Germanic metaphysics of the soul, there existed the idea of the soul complex made up of different, yet complimentary parts, much unlike the unified soul idea of Christianity. One particular aspect of the soul complex is the fetch. On this concept, esoteric Germanic scholar Stephen Flowers asserts,

The fetch can be understood in the traditional sense as an entity separate from the individual, but which is attached to him for the duration of his life. It is the conduit through which the gods communicate to him, and the embodiment of all that he has ever been. It is a storehouse of images and powers from beyond this life and from beyond Midgard. (…) In this is housed all of the echoes of all of the deeds ever done by the bodies to which the fetch has ever been bound (58-59).

In other words, the fetch represents the racial collective unconscious that Jung himself introduced as a concept. On the macrocosmic level, Wotan reflects the mechanism of the fetch to the whole race instead of the mere individual. If one ponders about this archetypal role of the gods in connection with Oswald Spengler’s view of civilization as reflecting the microcosmic cycle of birth, life, and death of the human individual on the macrocosmic level, then […] the spiritual, that which is immaterial yet ever-present, must function on the macrocosmic level, as well. Therefore, the body of the civilization must die; however, the ancestral spirit and ethos is eternal in some sense.

The spirit of the civilization lives long after the corporeal civilization. Both the spiritual and residual physical legacy continues. The spirit of Wotan, operating as the fetch on the macrocosmic level, detaches from the dead civilization and reattaches to a nascent civilization of the same racial stock. The physical legacy is more obvious. The best example of physical legacy would be in the consideration of how important classicism (the legacy of Greece and Rome) is still to the present day. Wotan and the Aesir still linger in our subconscious though Germanic and Scandinavian practice ended a thousand years earlier. Plato’s Republic or Aristotle’s Treatise on Rhetoric still reach from beyond the ancient grave to influence modern thought. In turn, the runes and the gods lied mostly dormant, much like the One Ring of Tolkien’s epic, until both the runes and the gods revealed themselves once more during the German Romantic period of the late 19th century.


The priestly avatar of Wotan, that archetypal spinal column of the Teutons, emerges once more. No longer does the god of the Wild Hunt scorch the land. The Valkyrie no longer trails behind in such great force to lift up the 60 million slain Einherjar as the result of fratricidal World War II. Now Wotan, the god of poetry, mysticism, and language wanders the information superhighway. Wotan is present at every church, every community, every group within instinctually/inherently White cultures and subcultures. Is there any doubt there is a correlation between Odin the wanderer and the migratory nature of White “racism”? At White culture’s most pacifist, our ethnic migratory trends and patterns reflect the desires of White Americans at large whether they are conscious of the fact or are completely unaware. If White culture has been rendered mute by the established hierarchy and artificial structures that reinforce cultural Marxist norms, then Whites silently congregate. Whether this is the White churches, from the “mega” to the bible study at home, or at concerts/festivals of inherently White music, or certain particular geographically insular White communities, we still seek those like us. Hysterically, [more than a] few Whites who engage in the latter activities would be galled to admit this is true. Yet when Christians “fight for Christmas,” they fight for Wotan. When yuppies and hipsters converge for music where they lift up their voices in one accord comfortable in the safety of familiar demographics, they sing for Wotan in their transcendent groupthink. And one day, when the place between that which is hard and the rock closes in, the spirit of Wotan will guide our voice once more.


The Völkisch Allure of Germanic Paganism

Youtube comment from “Væþryr” in response to attempts at anti-racist “Asatru” argumentation:

The chief allure behind Germanic paganism is its endorsement of Völkisch ways. All cultures have their history and lore, and I’m assuming you and many others have chosen Asatru for the specific cultures it is based off of, namely European ones. What produced these cultures? Tribal forces. Xenophobia and in-group preference is a natural consequence of natural selection; racism would not have been evolved if it weren’t successful. Groups with weaker tribal forces would be conquered, subjugated, and/or displaced (thus reducing their genetic output into the next generation) by other groups that would band together to claim resources. Groups that had strong tribal bonds would remain vigilant and form a strong defence.

A logical consequence of anti-racism is that you’d have absolutely no problem with your entire family marrying off with other races–other tribes. [The notion] that your descendants [looking] nothing like your ancestors would not actually bother your ancestors is quite a strange one. Ask yourself this: were your ancestors given the choice as to whether all of their descendants could only either (1) speak their language and share as much as their culture, or (2) share as much as their blood, what do you think they’d choose? Take an extreme case (like a boundary condition) to prove this matter of principle. Of course, this is actually a silly question, because changing the blood very drastically will in concomitance change the culture.

The main issue I have with this video is that the discussion is influenced by your participation in another religion, namely Cultural Marxism. The word “racist” is so powerful because you submit to Cultural Marxism’s maxim of original sin. Racist is therefore the Cultural Marxist equivalent of “heretic.” Please remove from you this recalcitrant edifice of Christianity that pride is sinful.

Indeed, and indubitably, our pre-Christian European ancestors were territorial, racially-homogeneous, hereditary-based tribalists.

Recommended reading:
Anti-Racist ‘Heathens’: So Pagan They Want to End Our Bloodlines
Thoughts on Racialist “Paganism”

The Völkisch Movement: The Volk


[Völkisch thought was] a combination of folklore, occultism, romanticism, and ethnic nationalism.

The Volk

Basic Principles

The intellectual character of the Völkisch movement was a direct consequence of the romantic movement of nineteenth-century Europe, and like romanticism, Völkisch thought favored the irrational and emotional, focusing mainly on man and the world. The movement arose from the turmoil that “accompanied the social, economic, and political transformation of Europe” during and after the industrialization and modernization characteristic of the nineteenth century. Industrial society drove the population to seek “deeper meaning in life than the transitory reality of their present condition”, since the demands of such a society tended to increase “the individual’s feeling of isolation.” Considering these origins, one can view Volkism as a backlash to the modernizing world.

Above all else the Volk valued rural rootedness, a concept that allowed an almost spiritual communion between the Germanic landscape, its people, and the cosmos. Since the Volk did not extend universally but rather was limited to a particular national unit, the movement set the groundwork for intense nationalism in the following decades, making the connection between landscape and people an exclusive experience. As Friedrich Ratzel made explicit in 1896, Volkism’s “awakening of a feeling for nature [was] ‘only a sign of the increased reacquaintance with our country, that is to say with ourselves as a Volk. For how could you divorce from the very being [of nature] a Volk which for half a thousand years has worked, lived, and suffered on the same soil.'” Appreciation of nature was transformed into a nationalistic ideal that soon went beyond a mere respect for the landscape. Völkisch philosophers advocated the return to medieval traditions and practices, to regress from modernity and reinstate the feudal system with a master-apprentice-based way of life. To Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl, an influential Völkisch thinker, the bourgeoisie and proletariat were “disruptive element[s] that had challenged the ‘genuine’ estates” of old. These classes were composed “mainly of merchants and industrialists who had no close connection with nature”, and animosity toward the city and its inhabitants “was an integral part of the rise of Völkisch thought.”

Indeed, the longing for a return to feudal society manifested itself in the Völkisch literature. Books such as Der Wehrwolf, “the most famous German peasant novel” written by Hermann Löns, extolled not only the peasant lifestyle but the use of brute force in order to defend Völkisch ideals. As George Mosse describes it, “The story of the peasants who defended themselves against the bandits and marauders of the Thirty Years’ War may well have been intended to illustrate the heroic Völkisch personality defending the true order against the inroads of a materialistic and industrial society.”


“Uprootedness” served as a contrast to rural rootedness. In Völkisch thought, having no root “stigmatized a person as being deprived of the life force and thus lacking a properly functioning soul.” From the Völkisch perspective, the Jewish people was by its very nature restless, and since it occupied no specific territory it “was consequently doomed to rootlessness”, an existence contrary and irreconcilable with the Völkisch way of life. Rootedness “conveyed the sense of man’s correspondence with the landscape through his soul and thus with the Volk, which embodied the life spirit of the cosmos.” It was thought that without the Volk a person had [less] spiritual value or purpose. Since the Jewish population tended to dominate the large cities, Völkisch thinkers considered Jews as inhabiting an artificial domain disconnected with any spirituality and in contrast to idyllic rootedness. The city fused elements that the Volk disliked most: the proletariat, industry, life in continuous motion, and separation from nature. Urban dislocation embodied “an ominous colossus which was endangering the realm of the Volk.” As previously mentioned, to the Volk the city and all its components were irreconcilable with Völkisch ideology. [T]he Volk considered [the Jewish population] embodiments of all that stood in the way of a Volkish utopia.

Source: The Volk and Other Ideological Influences on National Socialism

Racial Ecology

“Humanism and its ideology of Progress, by establishing an artificial distinction between Man and Nature, are fundamentally antithetical to a true ecological doctrine. They violate the ‘unnoticeable law of the earth’ by normalizing that which is ‘contra natura’.

Edited, written, and narrated by Disgruntled Leaf

Origin and Significance of Pennsylvania Dutch Barn Symbols [Excerpts]

By August C. Mahr (1945)

“On a great number of Pennsylvania Dutch barns, there are geometrical ornaments painted on the outside walls; ornaments which, as a rule, show some sort of star within a circular disk (Figs. 1, 2, 8, 10b).”


“The Pennsylvania Dutch barn in question is of the so-called Swiss bank-barn type. It means that it is erected along an embankment in such a way that its main entrance door leads to the heavily planked floor of its wooden upper story. This floor is at the same time the ceiling of the lower story formed by the stone base structure which contains the stables for the livestock and is accessible through the doors on the lower level of the slanting terrain. As a rule, the barn, in its full length, carries a wooden fore-bay which projects from the upper story and overhangs the outside wall of the stables to the extent of about six to eight feet. Frequently, however, the barn is built on ground level with a ramp leading to the upper story. In Pennsylvania as well as Ohio, these barns are usually red, often with white arches over the white-framed fore-bay openings. Wherever barn symbols are found, they are painted in various colors on the fore-bay, or the back, or the gable sides, or on all four walls of the wooden superstructure.”


“The key-point is that the Pennsylvania Dutch farmers, particularly in Berks County and its neighborhood, always have been, and in many respects still are, not merely farmers but peasants in the best European sense. Not everyone who tills the soil and raises livestock is a peasant. Whereas the mere farmer’s activities are based on cold empiric facts that may be learned in agricultural schools, the peasant’s life is governed by fixed customs, if not ritual, peculiar to his particular group and origin. These customs attend all his chores in the fields, in the cattle-barn, in the house, and rule his domestic relations, his dealings with his fellows, his dress, his habits of eating and drinking, his recreations, in short, every step of his earthly pilgrimage from the cradle to the grave. Most of these rules and customs reach down into times immemorial. They contain many taboos that today are no longer obvious, and they include innumerable symbolic actions and signs traceable to prehistoric magic as well as to pagan mythology and ritual.

The Pennsylvania Dutch are quite unique in this country, in that they have tenaciously clung to a great many of the peasant traditions which their ancestors had brought with them from the Old Country. […]

This adherence of the Pennsylvania Dutch, for more than two centuries, to the native peasant customs of their German forefathers can only be explained by the fact that they did not lose their original group consciousness after they had settled in America. Instead of being readily absorbed by the new environment, as were the countless individual settlers from other German, and non-German, peasant communities of Europe, the Pennsylvania Dutch possessed in the peasant traditions of their old homeland a cultural force that was sufficiently strong to shape their new environment into a peasant community of distinctive character. In achieving this, they were substantially aided by a very happy coincidence: the amazing similarity between their old homeland and Pennsylvania. This similarity not only extends to the physiognomy of the landscape but also to climate and soil conditions. There is hardly a region in the Keystone State, which has not an almost exact counterpart somewhere in southwestern Germany. Such exceptionally good fortune allowed them to continue in their new home, with a minimum of adjustments, where they had left off in the Old Country. Nothing, in the new environment, was so essentially different as to estrange them from their native peasant views and practices.”

“The barn symbols here discussed occur in America exclusively with the Pennsylvania Dutch peasantry. Hence one may expect some light on their origin and significance from analogous occurrences in German peasant art which, like the peasant art of any part of Europe, is a depository of prehistoric and pagan values otherwise long obliterated.”

“There is ample evidence that these various symbols that occur in European peasant art, inclusive of the Pennsylvania Dutch area, have their origin in a Cult of the Sun that during the Bronze Age was practiced ‘in Ireland on the west and throughout the greater part of Europe.'”

“The most careful and methodical exploration of Bronze Age sites, throughout the entire European continent, over many decades, has proved that ‘the Sun Cult must have been in honor throughout Europe for at least 1500 years, and was consequently one of the most enduring religions the world has known.’

Beyond being graphic representations of the powers venerated, the symbolic signs in practically every known religion that possesses such, are widely used for magic purposes. The people carry them on their bodies as protective amulets, they apply them to their houses, stables, and barns, furniture and household utensils, either to ward off evil influences or to enlist the aid of beneficent powers in securing fertility and good health for themselves, their livestock and their crops. This being true today, in Christian countries, it must have been even more so in prehistoric times when religion and magic were one and the same.

[…] Once a design has acquired the quality of symbol, this quality inevitably functions as the vehicle by which the design as such is carried from place to place. This elemental interrelation remains constant, regardless of modifications that both the symbolic meaning and the design itself may have undergone during their wanderings throughout the ages. It also explains why today these designs are promiscuously and interchangeably applied as propitious symbols, while their original function, magic or ritual, has long been obliterated or, at best, can be but vaguely discerned through the veil of time.

No matter what amount of migration and political re-grouping has taken place on the continent, during the Early European Iron (Hallstadt) Age and the subsequent eras of history, the ancient symbols have continued in use among the European peasantry, up to this day. This proves indirectly that all participants in such migrations and political re-shufflings, invaders and invaded alike, possessed the identical sub-stratum of magic concepts and were unaffected by subsequent religious creeds […] successively superimposed upon them. It is still in this magic sub-stratum, unchanged throughout the ages and apparently unchangeable, that even today all popular credences are rooted. For the validity of this statement it matters not what magic is used, but that magic is used.”

“Figure 4 represents a gold pendant with many-pointed stars, probably used as an amulet. It was found, by Schliemann, at Mycenae, and it is to be dated at ca. 1550 B.C. Of the same provenience, date and magic function, is the gold-foil ornament shown in Figure 5, whose design is the ‘six-petaled flower-star’ so familiar to all students of folk art.



Evidently [both] of these star-like designs are symbols of the sun. It appears that [both] of them, especially the latter, secondarily and much later, acquired some bearing on fertility, for they are almost universally found, alone or in combinations, on peasant utensils pertaining to the care of livestock, in particular, of horses (Figs. 6 and 7).



The connection of the sun symbol with the horse is primary, that with other livestock, secondary and by analogy, as it were. Danish and Irish Bronze Age findings prove that the horse itself figured as a symbol in this early Sun Cult. In Denmark there was discovered ‘an engraved bronze disk six inches in diameter, covered with gold foil, mounted on a wheeled carriage drawn by a horse.’ Similar disks found in Ireland show a design almost identical with that on the Danish disk. ‘The date of this sun chariot is about 1300 B.C. The Irish disks have lugs on the margin exactly as in the Danish specimen, the lower one for fastening it to the axle and the upper one for holding the reins.’ The discovery of two more horses, fragments of a ceremonial carriage, and of another sun disk prove beyond a doubt the age-old connection of the horse with sun worship, later fixed in the familiar Graeco-Italic myth of the sun god traveling across the sky in a chariot drawn by horses. …The persistent occurrence, in European peasant art, of sun symbols in connection with horses shows the enormous surviving power of the primeval concept.”

“[The Sun Cult’s] symbolic ‘astral representations, especially the solar disk or forms derived from it’ have been continually used for magical purposes from the earliest times to the present day.

The frequent combination of the ‘six-petaled flower-star’ with some other solar symbol on European peasant utensils pertaining to horses and cattle is also found on a number of Pennsylvania Dutch barns, as is shown in Figures 8 and 10b.


Similar combinations also occur, all over Europe, on various kinds of objects used by the peasantry in the processing of flax and wool, in the spinning and weaving of linen, in the making and laundering of linen goods, particularly on distaffs, weaver’s tools, mangling boards, laundry beetles, etc., and they are even found in the patterns of lace (Figs. 9a, b, c).


Evidence for the prehistoric connection of magic sun symbols with spinning is found in the occurrence of the swastika, both angular and curved, on a great many spinning whorls unearthed by Schliemann on the site of ancient Troy (3rd and 4th city).

Besides, the above-mentioned combination of symbols is frequently used on cradles, beds, salt containers, spoons, spoon racks, and other implements of the peasant household.

The heart-shaped figures, occasionally combined with any of these symbols, may belong to a later stratum of symbolism, although certain heart-shaped ornaments do occur on ancient Cretan pottery.

The ‘six-petaled flower-star,’ evidently as a pre-Christian sign of immortality, appears as the predominant symbol on grave-posts in Bosnia.

In some parts of the Old Saxon region (Niedersachsen, Germany), stars, in combination with other symbols, are frequently painted on, or carved into, the frames of barn doors (supra, Fig. 11a).


Also with the Pennsylvania Dutch, these symbols, apart from their use as barn signs, are applied to all kinds of utensils of the rural household.

Another symbol used by the Pennsylvania Dutch, both on barns and otherwise, is the swastika; not, however, the familiar, angular, form but the swastika with curved club-shaped arms such as found on a barn at Wescoesville (Lehigh County) (Fig. 10a). Another barn, about one mile south of Wescoesville, on the road to Macungie, shows a variant: instead of all four arms bending in the same direction, here both the upper and the lower pair of arms are curved towards each other (Fig. 10b). Although this modification of the symbol is likewise of great antiquity, it may be regarded, in the present case, as merely a local variant. That is all the more likely since other variations which are purposely fanciful also occur as barn symbols in southeastern Pennsylvania.”


“On a clay vessel (Middle Minoan I, ca. 2100 B.C.) there occurs the curved swastika (Fig. 12).”


“[The swastika occurs] on a modern wooden stamp, from Brittany (France), used for the marking of consecrated bread (Fig. 13). The design, far from being Christian, is a swastika-like symbol found, in basically the same form, on a Cretan vessel (Middle Minoan II, ca. 1800 B.C.) (Fig. 14).



A striking similarity, that can hardly be called accidental, prevails between two swastika designs, both on sword pommels, the one from Mycenae (Fig. 15a), the other from a Bronze Age deposit in Denmark (Fig. 15b).


The very same tendency in design appears in a symbolic rock sculpture of the British Bronze Age, near Ilkley, in Yorkshire (Fig. 16). Its ‘winding band’ character reveals its connection with the ornamental style demonstrated in Figures 15a and 15b.


There are strong indications that the people who made this rock sculpture were Celts of the Goidelic dialect type. Moreover, it was in Celtic-speaking Brittany that the bread stamp with that swastika-like symbol was found which has been discussed above. Further, the region about Herford, in Westphalia, where the curved club-armed swastika prevails, represents, in its peasant houses, a much older, almost purely Celtic, type than those of the surrounding Saxons. There is other evidence that this region about Herford is to be regarded as an enclave with a Celtic past in the otherwise Saxon area. This permits the inference that the curved club-armed swastika symbol was especially cultivated by Celtic people. Such an assumption is strengthened by the fact that Celtic ornamentation, as a whole, from the late Bronze Age onward, for centuries favored the swastika and related patterns, and, in their delineation, showed a tendency toward curved, bulging, designs with club-shaped terminations (Fig. 17).


The universal occurrence of these age-old designs as propitious or magic symbols among the European and, in particular, the German peasantry naturally makes it impossible to determine by which of the various German groups that constitute the Pennsylvania Dutch any given symbol was introduced. The very fact that, even in the German homeland, they all had been familiar with all those symbols and their miraculous powers, renders the whole question immaterial.”

“In none of the German lands from which the mixed population of Pennsylvania’s barn sign area had recruited itself, does one find such symbols painted on the front of barns as in Berks and the adjacent counties. In fact, with the exception of certain districts in Lower Saxony where they occur on the frames of barn doors, one finds them painted on houses only in Switzerland, mainly in the Canton of Bern. While the contribution of the North German plains of Lower Saxony to the population of the Pennsylvania Dutch country-side is negligible, Swiss peasants from the Canton of Bern have not only settled in great numbers in Berks County and the neighboring region, but they have also made their Alemannian type of barn the generally accepted form in these counties and beyond. In their applying the star symbols to all kinds of household utensils they do not differ from the Palatines and other settlers from Upper Germany that moved into Pennsylvania. But they do differ in their tendency of applying stars and related ornamented disk patterns to human habitations, frontally and otherwise, although not to barns.

The fact that the homes in the New Country were not built of wood, as they had been in the Swiss homeland, while the barns continued to be wooden structures, may have been the reason why the symbols were applied, not to the residence with its limited wall space of stone masonry, but to the front of the barn, for this provided the familiar expanse of board wall for symbolic ornamentation.

Once the tendency to paint symbols on the barns had been introduced by the Swiss, the other German immigrant groups readily adopted it as they had similarly adopted the Swiss type of barn. The only districts in the Pennsylvania Dutch area where barn symbols have never been applied are the communities of the Mennonites (in particular, the Amish) who have always regarded their use as sinful.

Swiss initiative has left its traces in still another item of Pennsylvania Dutch farm architecture: the carved gable posts found on barns in Dauphin County, especially near Linglestown (Fig. 18). In mentioning this, the writer is not even digressing since these posts, basically, share with the barn symbols an ancient cultic significance and protective magic function. Their probable provenience from the worship of Donar (Thor), the highest god of the Germans south of the Wodan-worshipping plains region of Old Saxony, makes it appear that their presumable functions were the protection of the barn against lightning, and the securing of fertility for the cattle kept therein. It is certain that they were introduced into Dauphin County from the Alemannian region, the very heart of the ancient Donar cult, as is evident from the names of early settlers listed in assessment and taxation records of Paxtang Township, 1777 and 1780. They are almost all German-Swiss.


The author cannot consider this study in the origin and significance of the barn symbols completed without also touching their subjective significance. In other words, it is not sufficient for a comprehensive treatment of this topic to have discussed their objective significance on the basis of historical and archaeological evidence. The much more important side of their significance is covered by the question: what do they mean to the people who apply them even today in the Pennsylvania Dutch country?

The unquestionable credence these magic symbols have been receiving, both in Europe and Pennsylvania, can only be explained on the basis of peasant psychology, which is group psychology. The individual peasant may be entirely honest in telling the stranger that he does not believe in ‘such things.’ Just the same, as a member of his peasant community he cannot extricate himself from the group belief which is super-individual. He applies symbols to his barn or household utensils, not because he, as a person, feels that he must have them, but because ‘one has to have them.’ The group spirit commands it so.”

“Time will show how long the Pennsylvania Dutch will be able to maintain themselves as a group. Advancing radially from the big cities, the standardizing and mechanizing forces of today’s steel-and-concrete civilization are steam-rolling over the peasant minority of the country-side. At the rate of this deadly onslaught, group-consciousness is being wiped out and, along with it, the barn symbols, the beliefs for which they stand, and all other values of this old peasant culture.”

Omniphi Media: Identity & the Collective Unconscious

September 23rd, 2016:

Today is the death day of Freud, so I decided to release a video on the Collective Unconscious as an homage to Jung. -Omniphi Media

Video description:

While publicly being scientific by nature, Jung had a mystical private life that would serve as the groundwork of his theories. Carl Jung’s contributions to psychology served as a new religion for the Aryan people under the collective unconscious and its archetypes.

Some quotes from Dr. Carl Gustav Jung left on the video by a commentor:

“The differences which actually do exist between Germanic and Jewish psychology and which have long been known to every intelligent person are no longer being glossed over, and this can only be beneficial to science.”

“The Jew who is something of a nomad has never yet created a cultural form of his own and as far as we can see never will, since all his instincts and talents require a more or less civilized nation to act as host for their development…”

“The Jews have this peculiarity in common with women; being physically weaker, they have to aim at the chinks in the armor of their adversary, and thanks to this technique which has been forced on them through the centuries, the Jews themselves are best protected where others are most vulnerable. Because, again, of their civilization, more than twice as ancient as ours, they are vastly more conscious than we of human weaknesses, of the shadow-side of things, and hence in this respect much less vulnerable than we are.”

“The still youthful Germanic peoples are fully capable of creating new cultural forms that still lie dormant in the darkness of the unconscious of every individual — seeds bursting with energy and capable of mighty expansion. In my opinion it has been a grave error in medical psychology up till now to apply Jewish categories – which are not even binding on all Jews – indiscriminately to Germanic and Slavic Christendom. Because of this the most precious secret of the Germanic peoples – their creative and intuitive depth of soul – has been explained as a morass of banal infantilism, while my own warning has for decades been suspected of anti-semitism. This suspicion emanated from Freud. He did not understand the Germanic psyche any more than did his Germanic followers. Has the formidable phenomenon of National Socialism taught them better?”